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The Continued Suffering of Prisoners of Conscience in Tunisia

Although the Tunisian government recently approved a number of measures in favor of political prisoners who were released after the overthrow of the previous regime, they considered that these measures did not live up to the level of their struggle over the years of embers, and demanded that the state apologize and provide them with financial compensation.

Prime Minister Ali Al-Areedh approved a number of measures aimed at redressing the damages of political prisoners, who are estimated to number a few thousand, most of whom are Islamists, by assigning them to the public sector no later than next June.

He also announced the formation of committees in all state ministries, whose mission is to rebuild the professional path of political prisoners returning to their jobs who were released after the revolution under the general amnesty decree, which was issued as the first presidential decree after the revolution.

However, these measures were met with strong condemnation by the political prisoners, who are camping in tents erected earlier this year in front of the government headquarters to demand the activation of the general amnesty decree, the second chapter of which provides for their right to material and moral compensation under a special law.

Humiliating actions


Successive governments after the revolution did not issue a law activating the compensation mechanism, especially with the objection of some Tunisians to this matter, which generated a feeling of injustice and anger among political prisoners, a number of whom attempted suicide.

Bashir El Khalfi is one of the coordinators of political prisoners and a former prisoner who belonged in the eighties to the Islamic Attitude Movement before changing its name to the Islamic Ennahda Movement.
He said that political prisoners were dealt with in an “inappropriate” manner, pointing to the assignment of a female activist to work as a maid in the home of an official formerly affiliated with the dissolved “Al Tagammu'” party. He called for the enactment of a law allowing material compensation for political prisoners, and stipulating the state’s apology to them.

Bashir is one of the examples of thousands of Islamist prisoners who suffered the worst forms of torture, arrest and tyranny during the eras of the late President Bourguiba and the ousted President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.

He believes that political prisoners have not yet reaped the fruits of the January 14 revolution, and says that “a large number of us do not yet have a treatment card, a transportation card, a job, or anything.”

The political prisoners who have been sitting in the open for months, in what is known as the “resilience” sit-in, threatened to escalate their movements unless their demands were met by the government, whose financial savings do not currently allow financial compensation for the prisoners, according to some official officials.

Threatened rights


Yamina Al-Zoglamy – chairperson of the Committee for the Martyrs and Wounded of the Revolution and the General Legislative Amnesty in the Constituent Assembly – acknowledges the deterioration of the conditions of the beneficiaries of the general amnesty, saying, “There must be an urgent solution so that the right of these people is not lost.”

She confirmed that she had addressed the government – with dozens of deputies – a petition to revise the general amnesty decree, and present it to the attention of the National Constituent Assembly to settle the file of political prisoners, and enable them to return to work and the right to compensation, but “unfortunately, the government did not respond to this demand.”

On the other hand, Noureddine Al-Buhairi, the political advisor to the government, said in a statement to Al-Jazeera Net that the government “understands” the conditions of political prisoners and acknowledges their gratitude, and it is working to “return the rights to their owners.”

He points out that the government has enabled many political prisoners who were removed from their work in the previous era to enmity against it, adding that it has approved the disbursement of grants for the benefit of people with weak or non-existent income, while enabling them to receive treatment.

He explained that the state budget did not allocate funds for compensation due to “difficult circumstances,” pointing out that the government has established a special fund to compensate victims of the previous era, which is funded through donations and private contributions. Noting that Qatar previously granted a donation to support this fund in the amount of twenty million dollars.

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Call to Action

Website petition: Freedom for prisoners of conscience and activists in Tunisia!

Tunisia is no longer the Arab exception that inspired the world in 2011 with a heroic revolution that overthrew the rule of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who ruled for nearly 23 years after seizing power on November 7, 1987, in a coup against Habib Bourguiba.

In a similar and perhaps more dangerous move, on the night of July 25, 2021, Tunisian President Kais Saied carried out a “constitutional coup” in accordance with his personal interpretation of Article 80 of the 2014 Revolutionary Constitution, announcing that he had taken a set of exceptional measures due to the “imminent danger” that threatens Tunisia without providing any details or reasons.

In accordance with these measures, Saied dismissed the government and the prime minister Hichem Mechichi who was present at the National Security Council that night at the Carthage Palace, and claimed that he had contacted the Speaker of Parliament Rached Ghannouchi (leader of the Ennahdha party) to consult with him in accordance with what is stipulated by the constitution, a claim which Ghannouchi denied since the call was general and did not include anything about exceptional measures or any consultation on the matter. The president suspended Parliament and later dissolved it in March 2022.

Not only did Saied seek to bypass his powers and the articles of the Constitution, which he swore to protect before the Assembly of the Representatives of the People, but he went on to dismiss and change the composition of the Supreme Judicial Council after redefining the judiciary it as a “function” rather than an independent authority. He further replaced members of the Supreme Electoral Commission in preparation for the referendum he held in order to vote on a constitution that he wrote himself after dismissing the proposals of the drafting committee he had himself appointed. Then legislative elections were held over two rounds, in which the participation rate did not exceed 8% of the total number of voters, with the Election Commission later announcing that it had reached 11%, which is the lowest participation rate in Tunisia and globally.

On February 11, President Saied’s regime launched a campaign of protests that has not stopped since, against political leaders, media figures, journalists, judges and senior officials and civil servants, for charges of “conspiring against the security of the state and committing an offensive act against the President of the Republic,” in addition to other charges that were referred to the military prosecution, leading one to wonder about the implication of the Tunisian army in the actions taken by Saied.

The arbitrary arrests were marred by several procedural violations amid criticism from prominent international organizations and observatories in the field of human rights. The standards of litigation and detention period and conditions were not respected. Prosecution and harassment sometimes extended to the detainees’ families, and no evidence, and in many cases, no charges against them were presented.

Moreover trade unions and political parties continue to be subjected to constant harassment and restrictions. Saied continues to target all “intermediary bodies” accusing them of “collaboration” or “treason”. Civil society associations have also been subjected to prosecution, arbitrary arrests and deprivation from representation, in a context of of increasing violence in society due to the authorities’ adoption of racist and discriminatory speeches and rhetoric inciting infighting and violating human dignity.

In light of the above, we, the undersigned, demand the following:

Call for the immediate release of all political detainees, immediately and unconditionally. We also urge the Tunisian authorities to recognize the national and the international human rights treaties they have ratified.
Call on the Tunisian authorities to stop dismantling the nascent democracy and put an end to unfair trials and prosecutions against political opponents of the regime and anyone who criticises it.
Call on all activists and observers to join the national movement for restoring democracy and ending authoritarian rule that has taken Tunisia back to despotism, injustice, and violations of rights and freedoms.