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Tunisia: Free Press Under Attack as President Kais Saied Tightens Grip

Journalists tell Middle East Eye they are losing ground over hard-fought media freedoms in crackdown since “constitutional coup.”

When the Tunisian revolution took hold in January 2011, after decades of restraint and repression, the media’s freedom to criticise and scrutinise was suddenly unleashed. 

“It was an explosion really. The private sector was loaded with different media outlets, including new TV channels and new online papers,” Strasbourg-based Tunisian journalist Amine Snoussi tells Middle East Eye.

“Every major TV channel had political shows that were very aggressive towards all powers.”

Fadil Aliriza, journalist and editor of independent Tunisian news site Meshkal, felt that newfound openness too, after the overthrow of longtime authoritarian ruler Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.

“Press freedom blossomed after 2011,” he tells MEE. “There were certainly still many problems like media barons’ involvement in politics and continuing police repression, especially in rural areas, but there was much more space for free press.”

Fast-forward a decade, as Tunisian President Kais Saied persists with an ongoing power grab, and those hard-fought freedoms are coming under increasing threat.

Last week, police raided the home of Noureddine Boutar, the head of Mosaique FM, one of Tunisia’s largest and most popular independent radio stations. 

He faces money laundering and “illicit enrichment” charges, but his detainment has been denounced as an attempt to intimidate journalists critical of the government. 

Mohamed Mehdi Jelassi, the head of Tunisia’s Journalists Syndicate (SNJT), announced on Tuesday that a criminal investigation had been launched against him over his coverage of a July 2022 protest against Tunisia’s recent constitutional referendum. 

“The aim of this trial is to intimidate me,” Jelassi told MEE. “And also [to] intimidate other activists who champion the truth and defend the freedom of media and expression.”

“The real issue has nothing to do with the rule of law; it’s an attempt to punish activists.”

The targeting of the union chief was condemned by international press collectives. 

The International Federation of Journalists called it an “unjustified attack on one of [our] member unions”, and said it was considering filing a complaint against the Tunisian government to the International Labour Organisation. 

Sherif Mansour, the Committee to Protect Journalists’ Middle East and North Africa programme coordinator told MEE: “Tunisian authorities must stop their judicial harassment of journalist Mohamed Mehdi Jlassi and withdraw the unsubstantiated police complaint against him.

“Prosecuting journalists on charges unrelated to journalism is clear intimidation.”

MEE reached out to the Tunisian presidency about the recent targeting of journalists, but did not hear back by the time of publication.

Climate of fear

Tunisia has been engulfed in political and economic crises since July 2021, when Saied unilaterally suspended parliament and dissolved the government in what has been dubbed a “constitutional coup”. 

He subsequently ruled by decree, before pushing through a new constitution that enshrined his one-man rule.

The power grab is increasingly impacting many institutions and areas of civil society: from the judiciary, to anti-racism and trade unionism. The media is not being spared. 

There has been a marked increase in journalists being arrested or intimidated since Saeid’s power grab, according to a report last year by the CPJ, the SNJT and the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy. 

It found that at least nine journalists had been harassed and assaulted by protesters or security forces during demonstrations in the days after the July 2021 power grab began. 

It also documented occasions when security forces, under orders from the Tunisian interior ministry, attacked newsrooms, including raiding Al Jazeera’s offices in July 2021 and storming the broadcast rooms of Tunisian public television in January last year. 

A report from EuroMed Monitor in May also found similar violations against journalists, including harassment, smear campaigns on social media and arbitrary detention. 

It noted a noticeable targeting of female journalists, through intimidation, psychological intimidation and threats. 

“When you see journalists being arrested, you get second thoughts,” said Snoussi. “When pitching an idea, you get second thoughts. This fear is a way to limit freedom itself.”

Aliriza said that the situation had “deteriorated” over the past two years, “especially as security forces feel more empowered now to repress critics”. 

Saied issued a presidential decree in September that imposed prison terms of up to 10 years for the vague charge of “spreading false information or rumours online”. The move was immediately viewed as an assault on freedom of speech. 

For Snoussi, who left Tunisia to continue his studies in Strasbourg, he now does not know whether he can return. 

“I hope I can come back one day. But now, in this situation, as a journalist and critic of the government, I know I can be put in jail. I seriously don’t want that to happen to my family.”

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Call to Action

Website petition: Freedom for prisoners of conscience and activists in Tunisia!

Tunisia is no longer the Arab exception that inspired the world in 2011 with a heroic revolution that overthrew the rule of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who ruled for nearly 23 years after seizing power on November 7, 1987, in a coup against Habib Bourguiba.

In a similar and perhaps more dangerous move, on the night of July 25, 2021, Tunisian President Kais Saied carried out a “constitutional coup” in accordance with his personal interpretation of Article 80 of the 2014 Revolutionary Constitution, announcing that he had taken a set of exceptional measures due to the “imminent danger” that threatens Tunisia without providing any details or reasons.

In accordance with these measures, Saied dismissed the government and the prime minister Hichem Mechichi who was present at the National Security Council that night at the Carthage Palace, and claimed that he had contacted the Speaker of Parliament Rached Ghannouchi (leader of the Ennahdha party) to consult with him in accordance with what is stipulated by the constitution, a claim which Ghannouchi denied since the call was general and did not include anything about exceptional measures or any consultation on the matter. The president suspended Parliament and later dissolved it in March 2022.

Not only did Saied seek to bypass his powers and the articles of the Constitution, which he swore to protect before the Assembly of the Representatives of the People, but he went on to dismiss and change the composition of the Supreme Judicial Council after redefining the judiciary it as a “function” rather than an independent authority. He further replaced members of the Supreme Electoral Commission in preparation for the referendum he held in order to vote on a constitution that he wrote himself after dismissing the proposals of the drafting committee he had himself appointed. Then legislative elections were held over two rounds, in which the participation rate did not exceed 8% of the total number of voters, with the Election Commission later announcing that it had reached 11%, which is the lowest participation rate in Tunisia and globally.

On February 11, President Saied’s regime launched a campaign of protests that has not stopped since, against political leaders, media figures, journalists, judges and senior officials and civil servants, for charges of “conspiring against the security of the state and committing an offensive act against the President of the Republic,” in addition to other charges that were referred to the military prosecution, leading one to wonder about the implication of the Tunisian army in the actions taken by Saied.

The arbitrary arrests were marred by several procedural violations amid criticism from prominent international organizations and observatories in the field of human rights. The standards of litigation and detention period and conditions were not respected. Prosecution and harassment sometimes extended to the detainees’ families, and no evidence, and in many cases, no charges against them were presented.

Moreover trade unions and political parties continue to be subjected to constant harassment and restrictions. Saied continues to target all “intermediary bodies” accusing them of “collaboration” or “treason”. Civil society associations have also been subjected to prosecution, arbitrary arrests and deprivation from representation, in a context of of increasing violence in society due to the authorities’ adoption of racist and discriminatory speeches and rhetoric inciting infighting and violating human dignity.

In light of the above, we, the undersigned, demand the following:

Call for the immediate release of all political detainees, immediately and unconditionally. We also urge the Tunisian authorities to recognize the national and the international human rights treaties they have ratified.
Call on the Tunisian authorities to stop dismantling the nascent democracy and put an end to unfair trials and prosecutions against political opponents of the regime and anyone who criticises it.
Call on all activists and observers to join the national movement for restoring democracy and ending authoritarian rule that has taken Tunisia back to despotism, injustice, and violations of rights and freedoms.