Violations Against Migrant and Refugee Activists in Tunisia (2023-2025)

Violations against Migrant and Refugee Activists in Tunisia (2023-2025)

Introduction: The Political and General Context

Tunisia witnessed a radical political shift following President Kais Saied’s announcement of exceptional measures on July 25, 2021. Saied suspended parliament, dissolved the government, and assumed executive and legislative powers, raising concerns about his consolidation of power and the undermining of democratic gains. This new political situation has led to an escalation of repression targeting political opponents, activists, and journalists, creating a general climate characterized by restrictions on civil society, rights, and freedoms. This environment has paved the way for the targeting of a new category of activists since 2023: activists and organizations defending migrants and refugees.

At the same time, official discourse has adopted an unprecedented and hostile tone toward migrants from sub-Saharan Africa. In a famous speech delivered by President Kais Saied in February 2023 during a National Security Council meeting, he spoke of a “conspiracy to change Tunisia’s demographic composition” through waves of irregular migrants from Africa, alluding to the racist theory of “demographic replacement.” Saied described the influx of migrants as a threat that would make Tunisia “a purely African country without Arab or Islamic affiliation,” and ordered security forces to take urgent measures to stem the flow of “hordes of illegal migrants.” The African Union condemned these statements as shocking and clearly racist. Although Saied later attempted to deny the racist nature of his speech, he continued to suggest an external conspiracy targeting Tunisian identity through migrants.

This harsh official rhetoric contributed to fueling xenophobic sentiment within society. In the months following Saied’s speech, numerous migrants and Africans residing in Tunisia—including students, families, refugees, and even Tunisians of African descent—reported verbal and physical attacks. Many lost their homes and jobs overnight under the pressure of hate speech. Smear campaigns on social media now target these groups, describing them as a source of crime and disease. The campaign also targeted Tunisian associations that assist them, accusing them of “encouraging illegal settlement” or being “foreign agents”.

Likewise official violations against migrants and refugees have escalated. Human rights organizations have documented numerous cases in which Tunisian security forces raided migrant homes and arbitrarily arrested hundreds of them. Authorities have also been documented carrying out mass deportations of irregular migrants, forcibly pushing them to the desert border with Libya or Algeria and leaving them in dangerous conditions without water or food. In July 2023, for example, following violence between local residents and migrants in the city of Sfax, authorities deported hundreds of migrants from sub-Saharan Africa to remote areas along the Libyan border. The Libyan Red Crescent announced at the time the rescue of dozens of people abandoned in the Tunisian desert, while reports emerged of a number of migrants dying of thirst while trying to escape the dangerous area. International organizations described these practices as amounting to cruel and inhumane treatment, and considered them further evidence that Tunisia is no longer a safe place for asylum seekers and migrants.

Despite this dire situation, the European Union and its main partner, Italy, sought to conclude agreements with Tunisian authorities to curb migration across the Mediterranean. A Memorandum of Understanding between Tunisia and the European Union was signed in July 2023 in the presence of President Saied, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte, and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. As part of this deal, Tunisia was promised a large financial aid package (up to approximately one billion euros) to support its struggling economy and control its borders. This initiative became known in the media as the “Mattei Plan,” referring to Italy’s new approach to cooperation with North African countries. Tunisian authorities hailed it as a diplomatic victory and affirmed their commitment to cooperating to prevent irregular migration from their shores.

However, human rights organizations strongly criticized the agreement, arguing that it focused on the security aspect of migration and ignored the serious violations migrants face in Tunisia. Observers noted a clear contradiction: while official discourse in international forums boasted of cooperation with civil society in caring for migrants, the authorities demonized the same local organizations, falsely accusing them of fabricating information about the conditions of migrants to tarnish Tunisia’s image. The authorities exploited this fear-mongering rhetoric to incite public opinion against migrant groups and against the Tunisian and international organizations that provide them with aid. In his speech announcing the memorandum of understanding with the Europeans, President Saied explicitly attacked human rights organizations, accusing them of publishing “false information” about Tunisia’s treatment of migrants instead of focusing their efforts on combating human trafficking networks. Media outlets close to the authorities have also consistently portrayed migration activists as agents receiving foreign funding to serve “suspicious agendas.” This portrayal has contributed to a general climate that accepts or condones the repression of activists, under the pretext of protecting national sovereignty or national security. Thus, work supporting migrants and refugees in Tunisia has become fraught with danger, amid accusations of treason and demonization.

The Migration Phenomenon and Tunisia's Transformation into a "Detention Country"

To fully understand the context, it is necessary to briefly address the migration phenomenon in the region and Tunisia’s changing role within it. Tunisia has traditionally been a transit country for migrants from sub-Saharan Africa or crisis zones, most of whom aim to reach Europe by sea. The reasons for these migrants’ departure from their homelands are multiple, including armed conflict (such as the civil war in Sudan), persecution and human rights violations, or the collapse of economic and social conditions in their countries. These individuals see Tunisia as a temporary stopover to seek work and cover the costs of the dangerous sea crossing to European shores, particularly towards Italy, which is less than 150 km from the Tunisian coast at its closest point.

In recent years, especially since the escalation of unrest in neighboring Libya, the number of migrants and refugees arriving in Tunisia has increased. According to data from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), there are currently more than 10,000 officially registered refugees and asylum seekers in Tunisia (as of the end of March 2025), most of whom originate from conflict-ridden countries such as Sudan and Somalia. This figure, of course, does not include all irregular migrants who may not be seeking asylum or are not registered with UN agencies. Local organizations have estimated that the total number of migrants of African nationalities in Tunisia—both regular and irregular—has reached tens of thousands in recent years. These migrants are concentrated primarily in major cities such as Tunis and Sfax, and some have entered the informal labor market or find work in seasonal jobs.

However, the picture has changed dramatically since the beginning of 2023. With the campaign of racist rhetoric and official incitement against sub-Saharan migrants, Tunisia has transformed from a transit country into a place of detention and expulsion for many of them. Migrants no longer feel safe, even for temporary residence; they are vulnerable to security harassment and arbitrary arrests, on the one hand, and racist attacks by some individuals, on the other. As a result, a large number of them have been forced to leave Tunisia urgently, fearing for their safety. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) notes that Tunisia witnessed a wave of “voluntary return” programs for migrants during 2023 and 2024, with thousands of requests for return to their countries of origin being registered, arranged and supported by the organization. Tunisian authorities themselves announced that approximately 7,250 migrants of African nationalities voluntarily returned to their countries in 2024 alone, a clear indication of a mass exodus under the pressure of harsh conditions.

Migrants and refugees who remained in Tunisia faced a difficult humanitarian situation. Following the arrest campaign targeting migration-related NGO staff (which we will detail in the next section), the support and care networks these organizations provided to these migrants were largely disrupted. For example, the Tunisian Refugee Council (Centre Tunisien des Réfugiés) was the local partner of UNHCR in registering asylum seekers and issuing them temporary legal status cards. However, the suspension of CENTRAL officials and the closure of its headquarters disrupted the registration and card renewal process. According to field reports, many refugees were forced into illegal immigration status due to the expiration of their documents and their inability to renew them. This situation placed them at risk of arrest or deportation, while simultaneously depriving them of basic services. The same applies to social and relief services (such as shelter, food, and medical care), which were sharply reduced due to the paralysis of civil society organizations, exacerbating the vulnerability of migrants and refugees in Tunisia.

In short, Tunisia has transformed, in a short period of time, from a country transited by migrants in search of safety into a trap and a humanitarian predicament for many of them. This transformation is the result of a combination of hostile official rhetoric and repressive measures on the ground. Given the authorities’ insistence on adopting a purely security approach to satisfy pressure from European partners, it is feared that the situation of this marginalized group will continue to deteriorate, as it finds itself victimized by the political tensions between Tunisia and Europe.

Documenting Violations Against Associations and Activists (2023-2025)

Amid this charged climate, Tunisian authorities launched a systematic campaign since the beginning of 2023 to target associations, organizations, and individuals working to support migrants and refugees or defend their rights. This campaign was particularly concentrated between May and December 2024, when a large number of activists were arrested and imprisoned on serious criminal charges such as money laundering, conspiracy, and other trumped-up charges aimed at criminalizing their humanitarian work. The following are the most prominent civil society organizations and individuals who have been subjected to persecution or harassment, along with an explanation of the nature of their work and the charges against them:

Mnemty Association: A prominent Tunisian association founded by activist Saadia Mosbah in 2013, Mnemty Association has dedicated its activities to combating racism and promoting coexistence and minority rights in Tunisia. Mnemty played a pivotal role in raising awareness of the dangers of racial discrimination and contributed to the enactment of the Tunisian Anti-Racism Law in 2018. With the rise of hate speech against Africans in 2023, Mnemty’s voice became prominent, criticizing this wave and warning of its repercussions. However, instead of heeding its warnings, the association itself became a target for the authorities. On May 6, 2024, security forces raided Mosbah’s home and the association’s headquarters, confiscating computers and files, and subsequently arresting Mosbah and the association’s project manager. She was charged with financial corruption and money laundering, alleging irregularities in the association’s financing, and has been placed under preventive detention ever since. This coincided with a widespread smear campaign against her on social media, where she received threats and hate mail due to allegations that her association “supports illegal immigrants.” Although no embezzlement or financial irregularities have been proven (and the judicial authorities referred her case from the Finance Ministry to the ordinary court for lack of jurisdiction), Saadia Mosbah remains in pretrial detention. Her detention has been extended several times (most recently in March 2025 for an additional four months), meaning she has spent over a year behind bars without trial. Mosbah theoretically faces years in prison and hefty fines if convicted of money laundering, although everyone who knows her confirms that her activities have always been within the framework of the law and transparency.
Terre d’Asile Tunisie (Land of Asylum Tunisia): An NGO founded in 2012 with the support of Terre d’Asile, it aims to defend the rights of refugees and migrants in Tunisia and provide them with legal and humanitarian assistance. The association has also played a role in reporting cases of human trafficking and coordinating with the National Anti-Trafficking Authority to protect victims. This association suffered a major blow in May 2024, when nearly its entire management team was arrested in connection with a single case. On May 7 and 8, 2024, authorities arrested Cherifa Riahi (the association’s former executive director), Yadh Bousselmi (then the current executive director), and Mohamed Jouou (the association’s financial officer). The arrests came after the association announced a humanitarian project to house the most vulnerable migrants and refugees, in cooperation with local authorities, in response to a wave of violence against sub-Saharan migrants. However, this initiative was met with official accusations against the association of “forming an alliance with the intent of money laundering” and “illegally settling foreigners.” Its members were investigated on charges including receiving suspicious foreign funding and fraud. Although Cherifa Riahi was on maternity leave and caring for two infants, she was placed in pretrial detention on May 7, 2024. She was unable to breastfeed her newborn daughter throughout her detention, sparking widespread sympathy and outrage in human rights circles. In the following months, no concrete evidence was presented regarding the money laundering charges against Riahi and her colleagues, and authorities were forced to announce that the money laundering charges against her had been dropped due to lack of evidence. Instead of releasing her, however, Riahi was surprised by a new charge of “harboring an illegal immigrant,” a minor offense related to hosting an undocumented foreigner in a temporary shelter. Although this charge, if proven, does not normally warrant prolonged detention, the authorities kept Riahi in prison for months. By March 2025, she had spent more than 300 days in pretrial detention without a final trial, prompting her family to call internationally for her release. The same situation applies to her colleagues, Yadh Bousselmi and Mohamed Jouou, who remain detained in connection with the same case and on the same charges. It is worth noting that Bousselmi is a former Tunisian diplomat and UN expert on asylum issues, while Cherifa Riahi was known for her social and volunteer activism prior to these events.
The Tunisian Refugee Council: This council was founded in 2016 at the initiative of Professor Mustafa Jamali, a former UN official (who served as Regional Director of the UNHCR). The council works in partnership with the UNHCR to receive asylum seekers in Tunisia and facilitate their processing, in addition to assisting registered refugees through relief programs and finding durable solutions. In early May 2024, the council itself was subjected to a security crackdown: its president, Mustafa Jamali, and the council’s project manager, Abderrazak Karimi, were arrested. This occurred on May 3, 2024, for Jamali, and on May 9, 2024, in the case of Karimi. The basis for the case goes back to the fact that the council participated in a call for proposals, in coordination with official bodies, to accommodate the most vulnerable refugees and asylum seekers. The authorities considered these actions a transgression requiring punishment, and charged both Jamali and Karimi with serious charges such as “forming an association with the intent to launder money by exploiting the facilities provided by social activities,” fraud, and the use of a forgery. They were investigated by investigating judges at both the Tunis Court of First Instance and the Economic and Financial Judicial Pole, in a series of procedures that appeared to be aimed at keeping them in detention for as long as possible. Indeed, the council’s headquarters were closed and its activities completely ceased following the imprisonment of its president and director, paralyzing the reception of new asylum seekers in Tunisia. This has had a direct impact on hundreds of people (half of them Sudanese fleeing the war) who found the council’s doors closed and were forced to wait for the unknown without documentation or support. The charges against Jamali and Karimi—such as money laundering—carry penalties of up to decades of imprisonment under Tunisian anti-money laundering law, in addition to large fines. However, no evidence against them had been made public until early 2025, amid human rights demands for their release on the grounds that the council’s activities were legal and transparent.
Sousse Municipality and the Migration Project Partnership: Persecution was not only targeted at NGO workers, but also at local officials who dared to cooperate with civil society to support migrants. In this context, the case of Sousse Mayor Mohamed Ikbel Khaled and his deputy, Imen Ouardani, came to the fore. In 2023, the municipality of Sousse (Tunisia’s third-largest city) signed a partnership agreement with the “Tunisia Land of Asylum” association to open a local office to guide migrants and refugees and assist them with integration and services. However, amid a security crackdown in May 2024, Mayor Mohamed Ikbel Khaled and his deputy, Dr. Imen Ouardani, were arrested on May 10, 2024. Both were charged with a list of charges almost identical to those of the other arrested NGO activists: money laundering, fraud (forgery of documents), forming an association with the intent of bringing foreigners into Tunisian territory, and abuse of office. In other words, official cooperation between the municipality and a recognized association was considered a crime by the central authorities. Ironically, Imen Ouardani, a university professor who chaired the Equal Opportunities Committee of the Municipal Council, had overseen relief initiatives for vulnerable groups in Sousse, including migrants, during the COVID pandemic and received praise. However, she found herself accused in court of facilitating the “entry of migrants” simply for her work assisting residents already present in the city. Both the mayor and his deputy have remained in detention since mid-2024 without release, even though the most likely outcome of their case—if convicted—is administrative violations within local jurisdiction. This case demonstrates how any level of official support for migrants has become vulnerable to criminalization under the pressure of the current political climate, to the point of paralyzing municipal work on issues of foreign integration.
The Association for the Activation of the Right to Difference: A human rights organization founded in April 2011, dedicated to defending diversity, human rights, and combating all forms of discrimination. Part of its activities focused on promoting a culture of equal citizenship regardless of color, religion, or other status, and was active in combating racism. On December 10, 2024 (coinciding with International Human Rights Day), Salwa Ghrissa, the association’s executive director, was arrested following an online incitement campaign targeting her organization. She was also charged with money laundering, although many were surprised by how this could be applied to a small human rights association that relies on legitimate and publicly disclosed donations. Salwa’s sister confirmed in a press statement that there was no concrete evidence of this charge despite extensive scrutiny by the authorities, and that her sister’s imprisonment was a purely unjust punishment for her human rights activism. Salwa Ghrissa has remained in detention since then pending investigation, joining the list of female activists behind bars in modern Tunisia for their humanitarian work (alongside Saadia Mosbah, Cherifa Riahi, and Imen Ouardani). It is noteworthy that the organization “Activating the Right to Difference” was forced to suspend most of its activities as a result, pending the outcome of the case.
Children of the Moon Association – Medenine: The latest case to emerge at the end of 2024 was the arrest of Abdallah El Said, president of the Children of the Moon Association in Medenine Governorate (an association primarily concerned with the care of children with a rare skin disease). What is this association’s connection to the migration issue? It appears that the authorities became suspicious of a subsidiary activity the association was conducting, which was providing vocational training courses in sewing and pastry-making for African migrant women in southern Tunisia, helping them acquire income-generating skills. In late November 2024, Al Said and two of his colleagues were arrested, and the anti-terrorism unit initially took over the case. Despite the oddity of involving the anti-terrorism unit in such a case, initial investigations indicated that the unit had no jurisdiction, leading to the dismissal of the suspicion of money laundering against them and the referral of the case to the regular judiciary. In other words, the authorities were unable to find any evidence of financial or security crimes, but merely helping irregular migrants integrate economically was deemed sufficient to warrant the detention of the Moon Children activists for a period of time. Although Abdallah al-Said was later released (unlike the other cases that remain detained), his case reflects the extent to which the circle of targets has expanded to include any organization involved in the migrant issue, even if their social work in this field is incidental. This has created a climate of fear among other organizations: many charitable and development organizations are now reluctant to include migrants or refugees in their programs, fearing accusations of treason or persecution.

1. Yadh Bousselmi
A former academic and diplomat who spent 20 years in the Tunisian diplomatic corps and has experience in United Nations structures. He has led the “Tunisia Land of Asylum” association since April 2023. He has extensive experience in migration and asylum issues and has contributed to defending the rights of migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers.

2. Saadia Mosbah
A prominent human rights activist who has dedicated her career to combating racism and defending the rights of Black Tunisians. She founded the “Mnemty” association to raise awareness of the dangers of racial discrimination and hate speech, to break down stereotypes and achieve equality among Tunisian society.

3. Abdallah Al Said
A Tunisian civil activist of Chadian origin who obtained Tunisian citizenship in 2012. He founded and headed the “Children of the Moon- Medenine” association, which supports migrants and vulnerable groups through social, medical, and educational support. He has contributed to coordinating civil society efforts in the Medenine region and partnering with the government and international organizations.

4. Imen Ouardani
Holds a PhD in Biology and serves as Vice Mayor of Sousse. She chaired the Equal Opportunities Committee and contributed during the COVID-19 crisis to supporting vulnerable groups, especially migrants. She supported civic action and contributed to strengthening social solidarity in the city.

5. Cherifa Riahi
An engineer and human rights activist, she has been involved in civic action since the revolution and has contributed to defending national sovereignty and social justice. She served as director of the “Terre d’Asile – Tunisia” association from 2019 to April 2023 and contributed to migration-related projects in cooperation with the government and international organizations. She continues her work in the field of migration and training in international humanitarian law. She most recently served as coordinator of the “Afaq” program, which supports youth employment and Tunisian initiatives abroad.

6. Salwa Ghrissa
A university professor and human rights activist, she has served as Executive Director of the “Activating the Right to Difference” association since its founding in 2011. She seeks to promote respect for human rights, diversity, and active citizenship in Tunisia.

7. Abderrazak Karimi
A professor and civil society activist who serves as Project Director at the Tunisian Refugee Council. He contributed to supporting the Tunisian authorities in addressing refugee challenges and providing humanitarian assistance to refugees in Tunisia.

8. Mustafa Jamali
A former UN official and former Regional Director at the UNHCR (holding Tunisian and Swiss nationality). He served as UNHCR’s Special Advisor and Director of the Bureau for Central Asia, Southwest Asia, the Middle East, and North Africa. He spent his entire career at UNHCR, from 1980 to 2004, providing assistance to refugees. In 2016, he founded and heads the Tunisian Refugee Council, a non-governmental organization that assists refugees and supports state institutions in this field.

9. Mohamed Ikbel Khaled

Elected Mayor of Sousse in 2019 on an independent list. He rose to prominence during the COVID-19 crisis with his initiatives to support vulnerable groups, including migrants, and encouraged the development of civil society work in the city.

10. Mohamed Jouou

Civil activist and financial officer at the “Tunisia Land of Refuge” association since October 2020. He has participated in numerous volunteer activities and is known for his role in the association’s financial management.

Summary of Violations and Restrictive Measures

The general pattern of harassment of migration and asylum activists and associations in Tunisia since 2023 can be summarized as follows:

Arbitrary arrests and prolonged detention: At least ten activists, both men and women, were arrested between May 2024 and early 2025, including the heads of at least five organizations. All were placed in pretrial detention for extended periods, in some cases exceeding 10 months without a verdict. This excessive use of pretrial detention has served as a punishment in itself and as a means of silencing voices and freezing the activities of associations.
Serious and disproportionate criminal charges: Authorities have focused almost uniformly on the charge of “money laundering” against various activists, with additional charges such as conspiracy, document forgery, receiving illicit foreign funding, and sometimes “facilitating the illegal entry and residence of foreigners.” These charges, despite their seriousness, were not supported by concrete evidence, as revealed during the course of the investigation. However, the legal gravity of the measures allowed for the detention of defendants and the threat of prison sentences of up to ten years or more, creating significant psychological pressure on them and their families.
Closing down association headquarters and suspending their activities: After arresting the leaders of the targeted associations, the authorities effectively paralyzed these organizations. The offices of the Tunisian Council for Refugees, Terre d’Asile, and the Mnemty Association, among others, were closed, either officially or de facto. Security forces confiscated equipment and administrative and financial files during the raids, and summoned other employees for investigation, spreading panic among the remaining activists. As a result, the number of associations active in supporting migrants declined significantly by 2025, with most either frozen or operating with extreme caution and under close surveillance. Some international or regional organizations that had previously been based in Tunisia for migration activities (after previously relocating from Libya) were forced to leave the country out of fear for their staff.
Media defamation and intimidation: The security measures were accompanied by a systematic media campaign to discredit these activists and associations. Posts and publications on Facebook and in pro-government media outlets accused them of “selling out the country” and “receiving foreign funds to sow chaos,” along with racist language against activists (e.g., accusing them of treason for expressing solidarity with Black migrants). Official statements were also used to support this approach, such as President Saied’s public accusation that the associations were “an extension of foreign powers pumping money into serving dubious interests” (a statement in February 2023). This campaign of intimidation not only defamed the detainees but also aimed to deter others from attempting to defend them or continue their work. Prominent human rights figures have asserted that what is happening is a political decision to suppress civil society under a legal cover.
Arbitrary legal procedures: Defense lawyers have documented several violations in the legal handling of these cases, including: raids without clear judicial warrants, interrogations of detainees into the late hours (as was the case with Cherifa Riahi, who was interrogated around midnight while exhausted), and the disregard for fair trial guarantees through routinely extending pretrial detention and denying provisional release despite the lack of justification. It is also noteworthy that Decree 54 of 2022, relating to information crimes, has been used against some voices defending migrants. For example, journalist Sonia Dahmani was arrested and tried under this decree after criticizing allegations of “migrant settlement” on television and describing the deteriorating situation with sarcastic language. This was deemed “fake news” and she was sentenced to eight months in prison. This highlights that the same legal arsenal (Decree 54, terrorism charges, etc.) has been used as a sword of deterrence to suppress any opposition to the official narrative on migration. Ultimately, these violations have paralyzed Tunisian civil society in its defense of migrants and refugees. While authorities boast abroad of their cooperation with NGOs in caring for migrants, domestically, they repress and criminalize these organizations. This glaring contradiction has prompted human rights organizations to sound the alarm, warning that Tunisia is experiencing an unprecedented setback in freedom of association and freedom of movement since the revolution. They also emphasized that the campaigns against migration activists are not isolated, but rather part of a broader crackdown targeting independent judges, the press, and the opposition, undermining the rule of law and violating Tunisia’s international human rights obligations.

Human Rights and Statistical Documentation of the Current Situation

These cases paint a bleak picture of the current human rights situation in Tunisia, and international organizations have carefully documented these developments. A joint report issued in May 2024 by several international human rights bodies highlighted the escalating crackdown on civil society in Tunisia, coinciding with the escalation of violence against migrants. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported simultaneously that Tunisian authorities arrested at least nine people in a single week in May 2024, including lawyers, journalists, and activists on migration and racism issues, considering this part of a pattern of suppressing any independent voice. Human Rights Watch also confirmed that at least eight nongovernmental organizations were investigated or prosecuted during this period, a number unprecedented in over a decade. On another level, humanitarian statistics highlight the scale of the crisis: The International Organization for Migration recorded a significant increase in the number of migrants risking the sea crossing from the Tunisian coast to Europe in 2023 compared to previous years, despite (or because of) the tightened security policy. Italian authorities estimate that tens of thousands arrived on its shores from Tunisia that year, placing Tunisia at the forefront of irregular migration. Conversely, the number of missing persons and those drowning at sea has also increased as rickety boats were overcrowded with desperate migrants. Humanitarian organizations reported that more than 1,400 migrants drowned in the central Mediterranean during 2022 and 2023—many of whom had set out from Libya and Tunisia. These tragic figures belie the claim that tightening the noose internally will prevent migration; on the contrary, they have driven many to risk their lives to escape an unbearable situation.

The UNHCR, in its reports, expressed grave concern about the situation of asylum seekers in Tunisia. In addition to its stated figures regarding their population (more than ten thousand people), it noted that 77% of the sample of refugees surveyed in Tunisia in late 2024 reported experiencing some form of abuse or ill-treatment—either by authorities or individuals in the community—in the preceding months. This is a shocking percentage, reflecting a hostile and dangerous environment for refugees. To address this, UNHCR has repeatedly called on Tunisia to expedite the adoption of a national asylum law and provide the necessary protection, but these calls have so far fallen on deaf ears.

For their part, independent Tunisian organizations (such as the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights) have emphasized the need for African and international solidarity to defend migrants in Tunisia. In a joint statement with organizations from sub-Saharan Africa, they called for investigations into the fate of hundreds of missing migrants and the release of activists imprisoned for their humanitarian work. It also called on African countries not to submit to the official Tunisian discourse, which portrays voluntary repatriations as having left without pressure, stressing that “voluntary” returns occurred in many cases under the threat of insecurity or forced deportation.

Conclusion and Recommendations

In conclusion, the events of the past two years in Tunisia reveal a bleak picture: a country dealing with its political and economic crisis by exporting a manufactured crisis to its weakest link—migrants and those who defend them. A climate of intimidation has become the norm for all those working in civil and human rights affairs, especially in the highly sensitive field of asylum and migration.

The Freedom for Tunisia Observatory, which has prepared this report, calls on the Tunisian authorities to review this ineffective policy and put an end to the criminalization of human solidarity. It also calls on the Tunisian judiciary to uphold its independence and prevent the executive from exploiting it to target activists. This can be achieved by immediately releasing those detained for lack of evidence and ensuring fair trials if credible charges are found.

At the international level, the Observatory hopes that donors will stop whitewashing the image of the Tunisian authorities or concluding agreements with them that prioritize security considerations over human rights. Tunisia, once a relatively safe haven in a turbulent region, must not become a prison or graveyard for those seeking asylum, transit, or safety. Respecting the dignity of migrants and refugees and protecting their defenders is a true test of Tunisia’s commitment to universal humanitarian values, and any failure to meet this test will have a heavy cost to the country’s reputation and democratic future.

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