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Eight-Year Prison Sentence for Former Ministry Advisor Ali Lafi: Politicizing a Security Case and Turning It into a Terrorism Case

The Criminal Chamber specializing in terrorism cases at the Tunis Court of First Instance sentenced Ali Lafi, a former advisor to the Minister of Religious Affairs, to eight years in prison on Tuesday, May 13, 2025, in a case described by the authorities as a “national security case.”

The court also issued another three-year prison sentence against a university professor who previously collaborated with a research center, in connection with the same case.

Background: From smuggling attempt to terrorism charges

The case dates back to March 2023, when Ali Lafi was arrested on charges related to his participation in an alleged attempt to smuggle former Minister of Agriculture Mohamed Ben Salem out of the country, and to his possession of security documents and files that are allegedly classified and related to “national security” and “national defense secrets.”

The two defendants were referred to the Criminal Chamber specializing in terrorism on charges related to “providing documents to a terrorist organization or alliance” and “conducting communications with foreign elements with the intent of harming the interests of the Tunisian state.”

Expanding the Definition of Terrorism to Criminalize Political Opposition:

The Freedom for Tunisia Observatory believes this case exemplifies the use of terrorism and national security charges to settle scores with political opponents or influential figures in the public sphere.

The Observatory notes the danger of the judicial trend toward criminalizing the possession of documents or information when found in the possession of members of the opposition, automatically characterizing them as a threat to national security, even in the absence of any evidence of violent intent or involvement in terrorist acts.

The Observatory believes that the current government is adopting a policy of expanding the definition of terrorist crimes to include any act that could be used to expose violations or criticize the authorities, as occurred in the case of Lafi, where his possession of documents was classified as a threat to the state, even though they contained no indications of criminal activity.

The Freedom for Tunisia Observatory condemns the verdict against Ali Lafi, considering it an extension of a politicized judicial process targeting critical voices and opposition activists under the guise of serious security charges, without providing sufficient evidence of the commission of acts that actually fall within international standards for terrorist crimes.

The Observatory calls for:

  • Reclassification of the case based on its true nature, away from the use of the anti-terrorism law.
  • Publicizing the facts and evidence to demonstrate the validity of the verdict and the credibility of the charges.
  • Ending the policy of criminalizing documents and information when they are in the possession of opposition figures.
  • Ensuring the independence of the judiciary from the executive branch in cases of a political nature.

The Observatory emphasizes that the misapplication of the anti-terrorism law makes it devoid of meaning and undermines public confidence in justice. It also reflects a dangerous shift toward a state that treats political opponents as security enemies.

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Call to Action

Website petition: Freedom for prisoners of conscience and activists in Tunisia!

Tunisia is no longer the Arab exception that inspired the world in 2011 with a heroic revolution that overthrew the rule of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who ruled for nearly 23 years after seizing power on November 7, 1987, in a coup against Habib Bourguiba.

In a similar and perhaps more dangerous move, on the night of July 25, 2021, Tunisian President Kais Saied carried out a “constitutional coup” in accordance with his personal interpretation of Article 80 of the 2014 Revolutionary Constitution, announcing that he had taken a set of exceptional measures due to the “imminent danger” that threatens Tunisia without providing any details or reasons.

In accordance with these measures, Saied dismissed the government and the prime minister Hichem Mechichi who was present at the National Security Council that night at the Carthage Palace, and claimed that he had contacted the Speaker of Parliament Rached Ghannouchi (leader of the Ennahdha party) to consult with him in accordance with what is stipulated by the constitution, a claim which Ghannouchi denied since the call was general and did not include anything about exceptional measures or any consultation on the matter. The president suspended Parliament and later dissolved it in March 2022.

Not only did Saied seek to bypass his powers and the articles of the Constitution, which he swore to protect before the Assembly of the Representatives of the People, but he went on to dismiss and change the composition of the Supreme Judicial Council after redefining the judiciary it as a “function” rather than an independent authority. He further replaced members of the Supreme Electoral Commission in preparation for the referendum he held in order to vote on a constitution that he wrote himself after dismissing the proposals of the drafting committee he had himself appointed. Then legislative elections were held over two rounds, in which the participation rate did not exceed 8% of the total number of voters, with the Election Commission later announcing that it had reached 11%, which is the lowest participation rate in Tunisia and globally.

On February 11, President Saied’s regime launched a campaign of protests that has not stopped since, against political leaders, media figures, journalists, judges and senior officials and civil servants, for charges of “conspiring against the security of the state and committing an offensive act against the President of the Republic,” in addition to other charges that were referred to the military prosecution, leading one to wonder about the implication of the Tunisian army in the actions taken by Saied.

The arbitrary arrests were marred by several procedural violations amid criticism from prominent international organizations and observatories in the field of human rights. The standards of litigation and detention period and conditions were not respected. Prosecution and harassment sometimes extended to the detainees’ families, and no evidence, and in many cases, no charges against them were presented.

Moreover trade unions and political parties continue to be subjected to constant harassment and restrictions. Saied continues to target all “intermediary bodies” accusing them of “collaboration” or “treason”. Civil society associations have also been subjected to prosecution, arbitrary arrests and deprivation from representation, in a context of of increasing violence in society due to the authorities’ adoption of racist and discriminatory speeches and rhetoric inciting infighting and violating human dignity.

In light of the above, we, the undersigned, demand the following:

Call for the immediate release of all political detainees, immediately and unconditionally. We also urge the Tunisian authorities to recognize the national and the international human rights treaties they have ratified.
Call on the Tunisian authorities to stop dismantling the nascent democracy and put an end to unfair trials and prosecutions against political opponents of the regime and anyone who criticises it.
Call on all activists and observers to join the national movement for restoring democracy and ending authoritarian rule that has taken Tunisia back to despotism, injustice, and violations of rights and freedoms.